Jason Greenblatt, one of the architects of the Abraham Accords, lambasts President Biden over his use of the October 7th massacres to call for new push towards two-state solution.

By World Israel News Staff

Former President Donald Trump’s special envoy to the Middle East excoriated President Joe Biden Thursday, after the president cited the Hamas massacres in southern Israel on October 7^th as proof Israel and the Palestinian Authority must continue to pursue a two-state solution.

On Wednesday, President Biden declared that following the atrocities committed by Hamas in southwestern Israel, “there’s no going back to the status quo as it stood on October 6.”

“That means ensuring that Hamas can no longer terrorize Israel and use Palestinians civilians as human shields. It also means that when this crisis is over, there has to be a vision of what comes next, and in our view it has to be a two-state solution.”

Jason Greenblatt, one of the architects of the Trump administration’s Abraham Accords, took to X/Twitter Thursday to condemn Biden’s comments, calling the president’s statement “tone-deaf,” “ridiculous” and “insensitive.”

“Sheesh! I am not sure which words to use to describe this approach …. naive? tone-deaf? ignorant? simple-minded? insensitive? ridiculous? I can go on and on….”

“There are SO many reasons why now is not the time to even begin to discuss this. I have been complimentary of the Biden Administration’s approach since the October 7th massacre & atrocities committed by Palestinian terrorists against Israelis. And now I will be critical.”

“This is an absurd message to come from the Biden Administration at this time.”

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Israel’s stability increasingly being questioned amid ongoing anti-judicial reform protests – including last week’s Yom Kippur clashes in Tel Aviv.

By Ariel Kahana, JNS

Former President Donald Trump’s special Middle East envoy Jason Greenblatt was invited to the Saudi Embassy in Washington last week to celebrate the kingdom’s national day.

“I wore my kippah proudly, and I was warmly welcomed and greeted. And I think it’s so dramatic the changes that have happened that I feel very optimistic and hopeful about it,” he said.

Greenblatt, who is now a businessman in the private sector and frequently visits Saudi Arabia, is probably the ultimate authority when it comes to analyzing the historic shift in the region.

Greenblatt played a role in the early stages of this process, living and breathing this dynamic under the Trump administration for almost three years. He recalls that in 2017, as an observant Jew, he had to bring kosher food with him to the home of Islam, where at that time, even non-Israeli Jews were not warmly embraced.

“I went ahead of President Trump because he was flying on Shabbat to Saudi Arabia. There was no reason for me to fly on Shabbat, so I had a very lonely Friday night with rice cakes and peanut butter that I had brought from New Jersey or from Washington, and the U.S. Embassy had brought over some kosher frozen macaroni and cheese from a U.S. army base in Saudi Arabia. I did not wear my kippah at the time. I didn’t wear it in the White House, although I wore it always in my personal life. Now, I wear my kippah in the whole region. It’s no big deal, right?” he said.

Q: What has changed over the past six years in how people react to the word Israel?

A: I would say initially when I raised the word Israel, there was a sense of discomfort.

That’s not to say that I noticed any form of bad feelings about it.

But it wasn’t something that would naturally roll off the tongue of those in the room in conversation. And by the way, that was even true in the United States.

I remember when President Trump went on that first trip, the one that I had that Friday night dinner in Saudi Arabia, and I remember seeing his speech before he made it and seeing the word Israel there a couple of times.

And I remember the State Department, you know, wondering whether he should use the word Israel or be a little bit more subtle about it.

Now of course, Trump would never be subtle about anything.

And I was very proud that he used the word Israel multiple times. And it wasn’t an issue, but I would say it was new, right?

Today, you don’t have to be uncomfortable or embarrassed using the word Israel.

If you watch the crown prince’s interview on Fox [Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman] he wasn’t uncomfortable. He used the word Israel.

Q: How does the kingdom view Israel currently?

A: I can only speak about my own experiences, walking through malls, walking through the streets, sitting in restaurants, attending their public spaces. I have yet to see any negative reaction to me … I have yet to see any negative reaction to me or my family members who are there…. I think there’s a realization that we are very similar in terms of our religious needs, our religious requirements, our religious feelings—they respect it. I would say they’re respected [by the Saudis] far more than [by] many of the Europeans I deal with.

Most of my business is done in the region, in particular Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar. There’s lots of “Shabbat Shalom” going around. The number of “Shana Tova” messages that I got, both in English and even some in Hebrew, is remarkable.

“Unbelievable transformation”

Greenblatt, who wrote the book “In the Path of Abraham: How Donald Trump Made Peace in the Middle East–and How to Stop Joe Biden from Unmaking It” on his time in the White House, has kept in touch with senior figures in the kingdom and has a good feel for their thinking.

Nevertheless, he has refused to divulge details on the behind-the-scenes aspects of the normalization process currently in the making.

“The people that know don’t talk, especially on something so sensitive,” he said. However, he noted that Saudi Arabia is undergoing an “unbelievable transformation,” part of what he said was a wider effort to sideline the radicals while preserving the values guiding the kingdom.

“It still remains a very religiously conservative country and I don’t think that’s going to change in the near future. I’m not sure it’s the desire of the country or its leadership to change it. But I do think, and the crown prince has said this publicly, [that] they are trying to move away from some of the [extremism] that happened many years ago and bring it back to how they view Islam as a religion.

“We have to look at today’s Saudi Arabia, today’s Gulf Cooperation Council countries, and understand that they are going through an unbelievable transformation, and that includes opening up their societies to others, including Jews, figuring out how to navigate a very tricky region, which of course would include Israel, figuring out how to support Palestinians but also move forward with their own plans. And I think we should warmly welcome it and help them with this process.”

Q: How close are Israel and Saudi Arabia to signing a deal?

A: I think that most people should be guided by the public comments of the Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, that he made to Bret Baier on Fox News.

That, to me, is the most telling [indication] of what’s available… I think that what the crown prince said is very, very remarkable.

The fact that he said things like “each day we’re getting closer,”—I don’t know if that’s the exact quote, how he phrased [it]—what he wanted to do for the Palestinians, which, of course, everybody knows is so different than most people always say—including the Palestinian leadership.

I read somewhere that they’re still saying all the demands that they want, which isn’t what the crown prince said, but I think that is the most up-to-date information.”

Q: Is it surprising that in the interview, he said that regarding the Palestinians, he just wanted to see their economic conditions improve?

A: I don’t think it’s surprising, because while they were very supportive of the Palestinian people—I believe that they’re frustrated by Palestinian leadership—they also are embarking on this incredible Vision 2030.

That here, they’re now already starting to prepare beyond 2030.

And they realized that the world has changed so dramatically in the last number of years, they have to put Saudi Arabia before anything else.

So, by no means will they abandon the Palestinians.

But I think they also realized that they can help the Palestinians while taking care of their own country first.

And I think that’s a very smart and pragmatic way to do things.

Q: Will Saudi Arabia be ready to have direct flights from Israel in six months? Are they ready to accept Israelis, with all of what that means?

A: Is all of Saudi Arabia ready to have a million Israelis [visiting] the way the UAE has? I don’t know if they’re ready today.

I think it takes time. It’s a very big country.

There are decades of a certain type of education that was given to the Saudis, about Israel and about others—including Jews—that there’s a transformation period that needs to happen.

I think they’ve been undergoing that transformation period… does that mean they’re ready to hug a million Israelis tomorrow? Probably not.

But I would say that over time—and not a particularly long period of time—I think it will work. I do think Israelis and anybody who goes there needs to respect the norms of Saudi Arabia.

I think, for example, [about] what happened in Qatar for the World Cup, where people were complaining that some Israeli journalists were shouted at and treated disrespectfully. I wasn’t there, I only saw the news clips, but I would first of all say those were probably not people from Qatar. I think some of those Israelis were quite aggressive in sticking microphones in people’s faces and saying, you know, “What do you think about Israel?” I think steps like that are unhelpful … that when you go—and this is true, really for any country—be respectful of the society.

Don’t jump all over people and try to get them to comment about Israel. Their culture is very different. They’re generally more shy, they’re more quiet. They’re less willing to speak publicly about how they feel. And I think we should find that right rhythm, where each culture and each religion respects each other. And not go there in a very aggressive way.

The world is watching

Greenblatt also warns that some in the region have begun to question whether Israel is as stable as it was in light of the ongoing judicial reform protests that have rocked the country since early 2023. This, he says, could impact the pace of the normalization with Saudi Arabia.

“I think what’s important is for Israel to show despite these things, whether it’s the protests against judicial reform or ugly events that happened on Yom Kippur, I think that people, the government and the prime minister need to reassure the region that [it] is, or remains, a very strong stable and secure democracy. I do think he [Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu] will have to reassure—not just the Saudis, by the way, but the region, including the countries that signed the Abraham Accords—that Israel still is this remarkable, miraculous, amazing country.

I think the world—especially the GCC—is watching what’s happening in Israel, beyond the protests, but let’s not pretend that the Yom Kippur events in Tel Aviv, they’re not paying attention to that—they are.

I think that the prime minister needs to reassure them that Israel remains strong and a full democracy and stable and reliable despite these moments of uncomfortable television clips.

One of the things that’s attractive about Israel to the region is its stability, is its strength, is its cohesive, generally cohesive society, including the military… I was watching a rabbi’s speech, not by an Orthodox rabbi, in which he cited a poll that one in every four Israelis wants to leave Israel.

That means something to these countries; it means something to anybody in the world.

So, I think it’s important for the prime minister and the government of Israel generally, to show that what’s happening in Israel is a result of—let’s call it a robust democracy.

Q: So, these are not just domestic Israeli issues; they have regional implications?

A: I believe so. Yes. Think about the implication it has on the United States—both Jewish and non-Jewish.

Think about all the press that’s [been] written about the protests over the last number of months and the negative effect that has had on Israel’s reputation in the United States.

The Arab countries are watching it with an equal measure. And I’m not saying it will deter Saudi Arabia or any country from making peace with Israel. That’s not high on the list, but it’s not a plus. It’s not a positive thing in the process.

Q: As someone who served as the peace envoy under the previous president, do you have any advice for President Biden?

A: So, by all accounts, President Biden is serious and dedicated to doing this [achieving a normalization agreement]. In fact, I probably would go so far as to say that if he doesn’t succeed, it’s more likely to be the fault of Congress or Israel than [of] President Biden.

The one error I think President Biden is making is constantly bringing the Palestinian issue into the equation. It’ll be enough for the Saudis to press the Israelis as to what they want to do with the Palestinians.

It’s the right of the Saudis to do that. I don’t think the United States needs to put their finger on the scale when it comes to the Palestinians.

I think it’s possible that President Biden now understands that—because his remarks to the prime minister at the United Nations were very different than they were a week or three weeks ago.

He also used kind of soft language when it comes to the past, when it comes to the Palestinians, about preserving the two-state solution. I don’t remember the exact quote.

If he does anything beyond that and makes demands of the prime minister to go beyond what the Saudis want, or the Saudis need, I think he’s jeopardizing the deal.

If I were still in the White House, if I were in the role that I once had and working for President Biden, I would say the best thing the United States could do, even if it’s not realistic, is encourage the crown prince and Prime Minister Netanyahu to talk directly without the United States in the room, frankly.

I don’t think it’s a realistic approach, but I do think it will, it could, lead to something more positive than the United States being a middleman, or worse—the United States pressuring Israel for things that the United States wants for the Palestinians.

Q: What are the chances of the normalization happening?

A: I can’t [give] percentages. I never would do that. I think no, it’s proceeding. What seems to be in a good way.

But there are so many critical things being discussed.

Mutual defense from the United States … what, if anything, is being asked of Israel for the Palestinians, and recognizing, you know, how the coalition is made up in the current Israeli government. It’s too hard to assign any kind of percentage.

But I would say that even if it doesn’t happen immediately, and it takes time, we are certainly as good a spot as we’ve ever been and proceeding in a path as good a path as we’ve ever been and we should applaud that.”

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The former American envoy to the Middle East says the status quo actually means Jews have a right to visit and even pray at the site, as it is historically theirs.

By Batya Jerenberg, World Israel News

A former American envoy to the Middle East slammed Wednesday the ongoing uproar over National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir’s brief visit the previous day to the Temple Mount, rejecting the claim that it was a violation of the status quo and calling for an end to anti-Jewish discrimination at the site.

In a series of tweets, Jason Greenblatt, who was one of the chief architects of the Abraham Accords, said that “The demands to maintain the so-called status is completely unhelpful & deepens the problem,” since “like so many things about this conflict people say different things – ‘status quo,’ ‘historical status quo,’ ‘legal status quo’ & people define these differently.”

In a complete repudiation of Palestinian claims that the mountain-top in the Old City of Jerusalem is solely Muslim in nature, he reminded his followers that historically, “Jews (of which I am a very proud one), had two Temples on the site and worshiped on this holy site for a very significant period of time, over the span of two Temple periods.”

Since it is therefore “the holiest site for Jews,” he asked why people “still demand” the “discrimination against Jews & Jewish prayer” there, “in a world where people of good faith are attempting to fight against all sorts of discrimination.”

“It never made sense to me that this wasn’t part of the ‘status quo,’ Greenblatt continued. “That’s why in the peace plan we released it called for all religions to be allowed to pray at this site which is holy to countless people around the world, and to end the discrimination against Jews at this site.”

“To demand otherwise is completely dishonest. Let’s end the discrimination, once & for all,” he finished.

By defending the idea of Jewish prayer on the Temple Mount, Greenblatt went further than the decades-long stance of the government, no matter which party was in charge, that allows only Muslims to worship there. When right-wing activists periodically challenge the rule in the Supreme Court, the judges uphold the theoretical right of freedom of worship and the notion of equal rights, but give the police the right to overrule them for security reasons.

Since the Palestinians continually threaten violence on the Mount and often follow through with riots, the police regularly even close the holy site to Jewish visitors altogether. The idea pushed by religious activists to establish even a small synagogue in a far corner of the Mount is dismissed out of hand.

Ben-Gvir’s visit, the latest of many he has made to the site over the years, consisted of a 15-minute walk at 7:00 AM when the Mount was almost empty of people, and it passed without incident. Many Arab countries as well as the Palestinians immediately blasted it as a move against the Muslim nation as a whole, a blatant “provocation,” and “a violation of international law,” among other charges.

Western countries, including the United States, were more temperate in their criticism but still called it a “unilateral action” that “violated the historic status quo.” The White House, State Department, and U.S. Ambassador to Israel Tom Nides all called it “unacceptable.”

The United Nations Security Council was convened Thursday to discuss Israel’s alleged violation, and State Department spokesperson Ned Price told reporters that the U.S. would reiterate its condemnation of Israel at the meeting.

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Long-time Trump advisor and former White House Mideast envoy Jason Greenblatt urges Trump to condemn Kanye West and Nick Fuentes after Mar-a-Lago meeting.

By World Israel News Staff

Former White House envoy to the Middle East Jason Greenblatt urged President Donald Trump to condemn rapper-turned-fashion designer Kanye West and far-right Holocaust denier Nick Fuentes, after the three dined together at Mar-a-Lago last week.

In an opinion piece published by CNN Monday, Greenblatt, a long-time confidant of Trump who served in senior positions in the Trump Organization before being tapped as Mideast special envoy, wrote a nuanced critique of Trump’s dinner with West and Fuentes, castigating the latter two over their antisemitic remarks while offering only veiled criticism of his former boss for hosting the meeting.

“The question I am addressing is what I thought of President Trump having dinner with haters such as Fuentes and West,” Greenblatt wrote. “I think it’s a straightforward answer — it should not have happened. Period.”

“I hope President Trump condemns Fuentes, West and their ilk for what they are — haters of Jews and haters of the foundations of the United States of America. People like Fuentes are dangerous to the United States. The President Trump that I know would recognize that and issue this condemnation.”

Writing from Riyadh, Greenblatt also emphasized Trump’s “extremely positive record with respect to” Jews and his pro-Israel bonafides, explaining that the former president’s role in hosting the meeting required a more lengthy response than could be conveyed in a brief television news appearance.

“Nor can I try to respond to this issue in a brief interview on television, especially if the anchor is looking to score political points against President Trump. We must not allow antisemitism to be politicized or condensed into sound bites.”

Greenblatt noted Trump’s record of speaking “strongly against antisemitism,” and called the 45^th president “an incredible friend to Israel.”

Trump has responded to criticism of the dinner meeting, writing on his Truth Social account that he was not familiar with Nick Fuentes and was unaware that West was bringing him to the meeting.

“This past week, Kanye West called me to have dinner at Mar-a-Lago,” Trump said. “Shortly thereafter, he unexpectedly showed up with three of his friends, whom I knew nothing about. We had dinner on Tuesday evening with many members present on the back patio. The dinner was quick and uneventful. They then left for the airport.”

Trump called the meeting ‘uneventful.”

West, on the other hand, said the former president was “really impressed with Nick Fuentes.”

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Turning your back on Israel because you don’t like the results of one election harms everyone.

By Jason Greenblatt, JNS

As the lighthearted expression goes, the future is one of the hardest things to predict. That did not stop New York Times columnist Thomas L. Friedman from offering grim prophecies about Israel and the incoming Israeli government coalition in a piece entitled “The Israel We Knew Is Gone.”

There’s nothing lighthearted about the future he foresees for the Jewish state. But his bleak predictions, presented as unalterable facts, are not backed up by reality.

Friedman leads off his piece by steering the reader towards the conclusion that Benjamin Netanyahu will soon preside over a parade of right-wing horribles whose very existence dooms not just the new coalition but Israel itself.

Once Friedman’s Halloween-like portrayal of Netanyahu’s team is lodged in the reader’s brain, he goes on to suggest that Israel’s “rowdy” new government is just a trial run for what we can expect in the U.S. in 2024. In other words: Be afraid America, be very afraid, because what happens in Israel doesn’t stay in Israel. Inevitably, Friedman frets, right-wing madness will spread to our liberal shores.

Apparently, members of the Israeli government must pass muster not just with Israeli voters but also with members of Congress, Biden administration gatekeepers and newspaper columnists like Friedman. But in reality, Israel, like the U.S., gets to choose its own leaders through free and fair elections.

Friedman then leaps to the conclusion that if Jews on American campuses share his distaste for even two members of the new Israeli government, they will turn their backs on Israel once and for all.

Jews on college campuses have enough trouble these days, suffering cancel culture if they speak up in favor of the Jewish state or fail to defend the Palestinians in or out of the lecture hall. Progressive politics isn’t cafeteria-style, in which you get to pick and choose which issues you support. If you back Israel over the Palestinians, you subject yourself to being shunned in a way that hearkens back to the Salem witch trials. Friedman’s remarks just add fuel to that fire.

Friedman then claims that several Arab countries entered the Abraham Accords just because “they wanted to trade with Israel.” Not, as Seinfeld would say, that there’s anything wrong with that. More importantly, the Arab nations made peace with Israel because they’re tired of pointless, expensive hostilities and they recognize a common enemy in Iran.

Friedman ought to have more respect for the courageous Arab governments that normalized their relations with Israel, and for those who may have quietly supported it from behind closed doors. One hopes more countries will do so as time goes on, despite Friedman’s apparent belief that those Arab countries are only in it for the money.

Friedman is also concerned that members of Congress will be “fleeing” from reporters asking about support for Israel. While Israel has many stalwart friends in the U.S. Capitol on both sides of the aisle, some Congress members have seldom been models of courage when it comes to speaking up for the Jewish state. Nothing new there.

A lot of folks on both sides in the aisle here in the United States don’t love every single member of Congress or every single Biden cabinet member. But they aren’t turning in their passports and ripping up the Constitution.

Friedman quotes Moshe Halbertal, a Hebrew University philosopher, and argues that Israeli hawkishness towards the Palestinians has created a mentality in which Israelis now view every Israeli Arab as a potential terrorist. There is no basis for this accusation, and Friedman offers nothing to back it up.

Israel, like any sovereign nation, has a right to keep its citizens safe—all of its citizens. In fact, that may be a leader’s most important job. It is also why voters brought Netanyahu back to power. They know that he stands for security and not weakness in the Middle East, which is still the world’s most dangerous neighborhood.

Friedman has a deep distaste for Knesset member Itamar Ben-Gvir, and appears to be using Ben-Gvir’s statements as a way to attack Israel’s new government in its entirety. I too am uncomfortable with some of Ben-Gvir’s past comments and actions. I hope that he has matured and moderated his views, as he claims. However, this discomfort doesn’t mean I surrender my love and staunch support for the State of Israel. I don’t agree with some of President Joe Biden’s policies, and I abhor comments made by the “Squad.” Yet I remain an American patriot.

Similarly, I abhor Palestinian Authority chief Mahmoud Abbas’s anti-American comments, his financial rewards to those who harm and murder Israelis and his statements on the Holocaust. Yet I would still work with Palestinians and their leaders to try to improve their lives and forge peace between them and Israel.

We don’t burn everything down just because we disagree, however strongly, with the views of some of those in power.

Friedman doesn’t have to love Netanyahu or his coalition partners. It would behoove Friedman, however, to allow the future to play out before coming to such dark and drastic conclusions. His doomsaying is not fair to Israel’s voters, Israel’s new administration or Israel’s young and impressionable supporters here in the United States.

The right approach is for the White House, Congress and Thomas Friedman to let Netanyahu govern and criticize him as he governs, rather than condemn him and the State of Israel in advance. I believe Netanyahu is the right man for the job at this very complicated and dangerous time, and that the Israel we know will continue to thrive, prosper and be a light unto the world. Time will tell who is correct.

Jason D. Greenblatt served as White House Middle East envoy in the Trump administration. He is the author of the new book In the Path of Abraham. 

A version of this article was originally published by Arab News.

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Iran, the 2nd anniversary of the Abraham accords, Jared Kushner’s latest book, and much more in this ILTV exclusive interview with Jason Greenblatt, former White House envoy to the Middle East, author of “In the Path of Abraham” and host of podcast “The Diplomat” on Newsweek.

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“Condemnation means nothing,” former Trump Mideast envoy Jason Greenblatt tells Israel National News.

The post WATCH: Ukraine crisis teaches Israel not to rely on allies, says former Trump envoy appeared first on World Israel News.

“These deals are complex and take a great deal of time, but any one thing could spark the right opportunity for a deal to actually be announced and quickly consummated, as we have seen,”  Greenblatt told JNS.

By Ariel Ben Solomon, JNS

Saudi Arabia is on a path to peace with Israel, but it needs to be given space to move at its own pace, former White House Middle East envoy Jason Greenblatt told JNS in an exclusive interview.

“These deals are complex and take a great deal of time, but any one thing could spark the right opportunity for a deal to actually be announced and quickly consummated, as we have seen,” said Greenblatt.

The New York-born son of Hungarian Jewish refugees, Greenblatt is a father of six who lives in Teaneck, N.J. He worked as a top lawyer for the Trump organization before becoming former President Donald Trump’s special envoy for international negotiations in January 2017, one of the few Trump officials charged with the Middle East file.

Greenblatt weighed in on his experiences negotiating on behalf of the Trump administration’s efforts towards Israeli-Palestinian peace and the Abraham Accords, as well as his thoughts on the Biden administration reviving the 2015 Iran nuclear deal (the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA ) and its critical approach vis-à-vis the Saudis.

He noted that in its first months, the Biden administration seems to be giving too much credence to the European position, even though the European Union was a main force behind what he called the “disastrous” Iran nuclear deal.

Below is the full text of questions and answers with Greenblatt:

Q: In your recent article in Newsweek, you seem to rebuke the Biden administration’s foreign policy that seeks a rapprochement with Iran at the expense of the moderate Gulf and Arab states, as well as Israel. How will this affect the peace deals between Israel and the Arab world that you helped orchestrate? Will it make their alliance stronger?

A: My position on whose voices truly matter on the Iranian threat has been clear. The Biden administration has put a great deal of emphasis on the Europeans being the relevant parties at the Iranian table.

While some of these European countries are relevant in the sense that they were involved in the disastrous JCPOA, and indeed they have a relationship with the Iranian regime which is helpful, the European outlook often is not aligned with ours or our important allies in the Middle East- Israel, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Jordan.

It is our allies in the Middle East who are in the most danger from the Iranian threats, including nuclear, missiles, drones, proxies, terrorism and other malign activity. These countries should have a seat at the front of the table at all these meetings to ensure their voices are heard loud and clear.

Q: From Israel’s perspective, how should it pursue a peace deal with Saudi Arabia and some of the other Arab countries that have not done so yet? Will the current administration’s policies push Saudi Arabia and Israel closer?

A: These deals are complex and take a great deal of time, but any one thing could spark the right opportunity for a deal to actually be announced and quickly consummated, as we have seen.

Israel should continue to do what it is doing by being a force for good in the world and security in the region and elsewhere. Israel should walk tall and proud, and over time, more and more countries will realize that being Israel’s ally is a big benefit for so many reasons.

I think Saudi Arabia will get there, but we have to be patient and give Saudi Arabia the space it needs. Pressure from any party, including the U.S., will not yield a peace deal that is worth much or long-lasting. Peace will come when everyone is ready for it, for the right reasons. Encouragement is important, but pressure is not worthwhile.

Q: What do you make of the latest spat between Israel and Jordan, and the report that Jordan blocked its airspace to Netanyahu?

A: I don’t have the inside scoop on what actually happened, and I am not sure which news reports are accurate. But I think Jordan is not only an important ally of the U.S., it is an important neighbor to Israel.

I hope that Israel and Jordan work in good faith to repair that very important relationship. Rhetoric from some sectors turning this into a religious dispute is very harmful, and I doubt there is any truth to those stories. Frankly, if it were up to me, I would invite Crown Prince [Mohammed bin Salman] to visit Jerusalem and pray at the Al-Aqsa Mosque, and ensure that he has the security he is comfortable with.

Israel tries hard to do as good a job as possible to allow Muslims to worship at Al-Aqsa; in fact, it is Jewish worship that is forbidden. The more people understand that the better.

Q: What is the biggest misconception you observed in Washington circles and the foreign-policy establishment regarding the overall situation in the Middle East?

A: I will actually list several misconceptions because they are so important to understanding the conflict and its potential resolution.

First, that the Arab-Israeli conflict can only be solved when solving the Israel-Palestinian conflict. Perhaps that was true years ago. Clearly, it is no longer true for some countries, and hopefully, for many others. The conflicts are tied together, but can be broken apart and solved separately.

Another is the total acceptance of many of the Palestinians’ talking points as if they were valid, legally binding rights, such as their demand for all of East Jerusalem (including Judaism’s holiest sites) and that a peace deal must be largely based on the so-called 1967 borders, as if Israel is illegally occupying land that actually once belonged to Palestinians, as opposed to the land being disputed and claimed by Palestinians.

Or that other countries or groups of countries, such as the United Nations or the European Union, can demand a solution to the conflict out of Israel, as opposed to a solution to the conflict, if any, coming from direct, good faith negotiations between the parties.

Another big misconception is ignoring the situation in Gaza. The Palestinian leadership is split into two groups and not much can happen without that changing. We will see if that changes, and if there is actually a free and fair election among the Palestinians as they are currently working on.

I could go on and on. There are many misconceptions, and each one causes the conflict to be harder to solve and holds people back from better lives.

Q: After having backed themselves into isolation, the Palestinians now seem to think they have an ally in the Biden administration. Do you see the administration forcing concessions from Israel on this matter?

A: I don’t want to make predictions about the Biden administration. I think the administration is smart enough to understand that demanding things out of Israel will not achieve a peace agreement and does nothing to further U.S. interests, so I certainly hope not.

I think the Palestinian leadership—both in Ramallah and the so-called leadership, actually terrorists, in Gaza—have read the tea leaves wrong again and again. What a shame for the Palestinian people who deserve so much better than they have now.

If asked, I would strongly advise the Biden administration not to put pressure on Israel and also not to start throwing money again at the Palestinians who misuse so much of the money that the U.S. and other countries give them. What a waste of U.S. taxpayer funds.

Q: Have you been contacted by members of the current administration for advice? Would you consider serving again in a future administration?

A: I have not been contacted by them and would be happy to share my three years of very relevant, current experience with them at any time. I think they could only benefit from hearing from us.

Keep in mind, it was a very small group of people who handled this file. I would expect they would want this information.

Under the right circumstances, I would consider serving at some point in the future. It was an incredible honor to serve my country and to work on bringing peace to the region, as well as strengthening the U.S.-Israel relationship, and building and deepening the ties between Israel and its Arab neighbors. I participated in some incredible, historic decisions and moments. What a blessing to have been able to do that.

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Former Trump administration special envoy to the Middle East Jason Greenblatt spoke about the Israel-UAE peace deal on Army Radio on Tuesday morning.

By Lauren Marcus, World Israel News

Former Trump administration special envoy to the Middle East Jason Greenblatt spoke about the Israel-United Arab Emirates peace deal on Israel’s Army Radio on Tuesday.

Greenblatt served as a White House adviser on Israel from January 2017 to October 2019 and was a chief architect of the Trump Peace Plan aimed at resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

During the interview, Greenblatt shared his thoughts on the suspension of sovereignty in favor of normalizing relations with the UAE.

“I do support the application of Israeli sovereignty,” Greenblatt said, “but I think the PM is correct at the moment in suspending it to see where the progress leads.”

“I think it’s important to look at the word that was chosen by the three parties in the official statement – and that was the word ‘suspend.’”

“We should not lose focus of the fact that they came together, they did this, we will deal with the issue of Judea and Samaria over time. This is a huge diplomatic achievement.”

Although Greenblatt left the Trump administration in October 2019, he said the peace deal was built off the progress he and his colleagues had made in the last few years.

“Over the course of the last three years at the White House, we completely changed the conversation. We don’t use the word settlement, we use the words ‘cities’ and ‘neighborhoods.’”

“The peace vision the White House put out back in January completely recognizes the history of the region and doesn’t go with the terminology that’s been used for decades.”

Referencing settler leaders who have criticized Netanyahu for allegedly trading sovereignty for the peace deal, Greenblatt said, “It’s important not to lose sight of it [sovereignty], but I wouldn’t kick and scream every minute of every day about it.”

“We need to be patient and let the prime minister and the government of Israel do what they do best, which is try to win these big diplomatic wins. I would not say this issue is missing – I think this issue will be part and parcel in a much broader and better context if things go the right way.”

He emphasized that people who are disappointed about sovereignty not moving forward should think about the process as a long-term process.

“I think we have to fight this fight slowly. You have to deal with this step by step, you have to educate the public regarding the misinformation given out over the years, about the reality of the conflict, the reality of Judea and Samaria, the reality of Jewish history in Judea and Samaria.”

Addressing rumors that Israel had agreed to sell sensitive military technology to the UAE to make the deal happen, Greenblatt said, “I have full confidence in the Trump administration and the Israeli government that they would never agree to a deal that would put Israel in danger.”

“The White House has never wavered for a moment in recognizing Israel’s precarious security needs.”

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Former US negotiator Jason Greenblatt said that while the plan provides that land be set aside for a potential Palestinian state, there are many conditions the Palestinians must fulfill, including “60 to 80 pages’ worth of important criteria.”

By Batya Jerenberg, World Israel News

Jason Greenblatt told Israel Army Radio on Thursday that the Trump Mideast plan was “realistic and implementable,” as well as unique in that it makes the creation of a Palestinian state dependent on the Arab side fulfilling a long list of conditions first.

President Trump’s former chief negotiator for what’s been dubbed the ‘deal of the century’ which was unveiled in January after three years of crafting, made it clear a Palestinian state wouldn’t be granted without movement on the Palestinian side.

The peace plan, he said, calls for “a realistic Palestinian state that complies with the 60 to 80 pages’ worth of important criteria, which includes stopping terrorism against Israel, stopping to pay Palestinians to kill, murder, harm Israelis. There’s a lot of criteria before the Palestinians will ever become a state, if that will ever happen.”

He added, “I think that’s what differentiates the plan we released from some of the past efforts. There are things that have to be completed, taken care of, solved, before you begin a discussion on what a Palestinian state should look like.”

Asked whether it was still possible for the government to implement the part of the plan that “gives” territory to Israel, Greenblatt, a lawyer, was careful not to use the word “annexation,” which is defined as one state taking over the land of another state.

This is not the case with Judea and Samaria, which never formally belonged to a different country, and was part of British Mandate Palestine set aside for Jewish settlement, as first set forth by the Balfour Declaration and subsequently adopted by the San Remo Conference, the League of Nations, and the United Nations, giving it the force of international law several times over.

“The peace plan that we released back in January does contemplate the application of Israeli law, and I’m sure that once the Israeli government decides what it wants to do, it will do it in coordination with the White House, which I think is the right approach.”

Later in the interview, he cautioned that Israel still had an obligation towards the Palestinians within the context of the deal.

“Can the Israeli government declare the extension of Israeli sovereignty, the application of Israeli law? The answer is yes, but under the peace plan that we released, that comes with a commitment to set aside a certain area of land for the eventual, potential Palestinian state.”

Greenblatt then stressed again that such a Palestinian state “is not the one that people vaguely talk about or one that doesn’t come with a responsible leadership. There’s a lot of criteria to establish a state, as there should be.”

He put the blame on the Palestinians for plan’s stalling the last six months, when asked about the president’s seeming “loss of interest” on the issue.

Trump’s main job is now the Covid-19 crisis and its economic fallout, as well as getting re-elected, Greenblatt said.

“I also think it’s a theoretical question, because the Palestinian leadership discarded and rejected the plan even before it came out, so there’s no actual real movement that can happen on the peace effort. But I think the release of the plan itself was a very, very important first step on a very, very long, complicated road, and at the right time I hope that there’ll be traction on it.”

Greenblatt, who stepped down from his White House position last September, expressed cautious optimism for the future.

“I hope the White House and Israeli government keep trying,” he said, “and I hope the Palestinian leadership comes to its senses, because I think the plan we presented is a realistic and implementable plan.”

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“They think they can say things over and over again, and that will lead to a peace agreement. That is never going to happen,” says Jason Greenblatt.

By Israel Kasnett, JNS

Ahead of the planned move by Israeli to apply sovereignty to parts of Judea and Samaria, several leading Mideast experts and former senior officials debated the merits of U.S. President Donald Trump’s “Peace to Prosperity” vision and the imminent move by the Jewish state.

Jason Greenblatt, former U.S. Special Representative for International Negotiations, observed that no one can introduce a plan “that everyone will accept.” Nevertheless, the Trump administration’s goal was to create one “that was realistic, implementable, and that both sides could get behind and negotiate in good faith.”

He noted the positive reaction from some Arab countries, such as the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, and said they should be commended for their support for the plan.

Greenblatt said while certain other countries were positive about the plan, the rest of the world seems to be “stuck in the talking points of decades in the past.”

“They think they can say things over and over again, and that will lead to a peace agreement,” he said. “That is never going to happen.”

The Israel-based Shurat HaDin Israel Law Center last week hosted an online discussion on the U.S. plan for resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict. In addition to Greenblatt, participants included Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas), former U.S. ambassador to Israel Dan Shapiro, Harvard Law School professor emeritus Alan Dershowitz, former Canadian ambassador to Israel Vivian Bercovici and president of Shurat HaDin Nitsana Darshan-Leitner.

One of the main issues of discussion was the continued Palestinian refusal to negotiate.

The Palestinians, who have maintained a boycott of the Trump administration since December 2018, have refused to even consider the Trump proposal.

More recently, Palestinian Authority leader Mahmoud Abbas has threatened to cut all cooperation with Israel, including security coordination.

Nevertheless, the Trump administration continued to move ahead with the plan, urging Greenblatt to focus on the tasks directed by the president, despite Palestinian recalcitrance.

“We weren’t going to let them stop us with the normal rhetoric that they always have used in the past,” he explained. “We reminded them that we would not be the first administration that they ignored or said ‘no’ to. We said we are unwilling to let them spoil potential progress for Israel and its Arab neighbors and equally important for the many Israeli citizens who live in Judea and Samaria.”

‘In their interest to get to the table’

On Monday, Hussein al-Sheikh, a senior Fatah official and head of the Palestinian Authority General Authority of Civil Affairs, said the annexation of “one inch of our land would signal the death of the peace settlement.”

He said this with PA head Mahmoud Abbas in mind.

“There are some people who surround [him] who can never bring about peace,” said Greenblatt. “They deceive and manipulate, and they hurt the Palestinian people. I don’t see Abbas the same way. Under the right political circumstances, which he doesn’t have today, he might convince somebody who could have brought about something good.”

In the interim, however, the momentum is not on their side.

“The Palestinian leadership, at least under the Trump administration, no longer has a veto card over what happens to the Israeli citizens. That is a decision that the Israeli government has to make—not the Palestinian government,” emphasized al-Sheikh.

Dan Shapiro, former U.S. ambassador to Israel under the Obama administration, said the sovereignty move could further weaken the P.A.

“The Trump plan does not offer the Palestinians a viable state. The bigger concern I have after unilateral annexation is that over time, it will make it much less viable for any functional Palestinian Authority to exist on the territories that remain on the non-annexed portions.”

Former Canadian Ambassador to Israel Vivian Bercovici said that she believes that Abbas needs to feel more pressure from Arab allies to get on board.

“Why does Abbas not get to the table? Because he chooses not to. If he was made to feel some pain and pressure financially and diplomatically from the UAE and Saudis—if Hamas were made to feel the same kind of pain and pressure from Qatar—then the Palestinians may finally see it is in their interest to get to the table.”

At the same time, debate has been ongoing over the timing of the sovereignty plan. With the coronavirus pandemic and negative reaction from the international community, some see this a poor time for such a move.

On Monday, Israeli Defense Minister Benny Gantz, Netanyahu’s main coalition partner, clashed over the schedule, with Gantz saying that “what is not corona-related will wait until the day after the virus.”

‘We can’t stay in limbo forever’

Greenblatt dismissed the timing issue, saying Israel needs to move forward with the plan: “I think it’s time, and not doing it is not going to bring peace closer … we can’t stay in limbo forever.”

Similarly, Bercovici said that the Trump proposal is fair, and that time is running out for the Palestinians to negotiate.

“The Trump initiative is no less fair than previous proposals. At the end of the day, the proposal says to the Palestinians: ‘Come to the table now because you are running out of time. And if you don’t, we are not going to object to Israel implementing some form of annexation.’ ”

She stressed that “what the Trump proposal does that’s different is it signals very strongly to the Palestinians and the Palestinian leadership that you have to step up. We cannot let this go on forever; 50-plus years is too long already. You have to take responsibility.”

Shapiro also addressed the issue of sovereignty damaging bipartisan support for Israel. Last week, 115 Democrats signed a letter to Netanyahu expressing opposition to sovereignty. On Monday, several far-left Democratic critics of Israel circulated a letter calling for the United States to cut assistance to Israel over sovereignty.

“It is, of course, true that the current administration sets policy, but [there is] one entire party, including the best friends of Israel in that party, telling Israel in the spirit of friendship: ‘We think this is harmful,’ ” said Shapiro.

“This is something very difficult for us to defend—something we oppose,’ ” he said. “And for Israel to proceed anyway makes a mockery of the claim to value bipartisan consensus about the U.S.-Israel relationship.”

‘The real issues to achieving peace’

Much of the argument being made against sovereignty by the Democrats and other European allies is concern that the move could violate international law.

Dershowitz dismissed this notion. “I’m not a big believer in the strength of international law, which is mostly decided by academics in ivory towers who don’t have a lot of experience on the ground,” he said.

“Law is a factor, but it is not a dominant factor,” he continued. “The decisions and the peace process in the Middle East will not be decided based on whether or not the occupation is called ‘occupation.’ Whether it’s legal or illegal, those are interesting debates to have in classrooms, but what will determine the outcome are actions on the ground.

“It’s also very clear that the Jordan Valley will remain under the military control of Israel for an indefinite period of time. A military occupation is perfectly lawful until all belligerency ends,” said Dershowitz before quipping, “and I don’t think anyone can say that all belligerency has ended on the West Bank. Certainly not Gaza.”

Regardless of the outcome in the next few weeks or months, Greenblatt said there needs to be a way to move past the conflict.

“There has to be a massive education campaign about the real issues to achieving peace,” he said. “There has to be a way forward, and part of that is to listen, to respect and try to come up with practical, realistic alternatives so that Israel no longer has to be in danger constantly, and the Palestinians can have safe, respectful, dignified, prosperous lives just like Israelis.”

Bercovici called on the Arab world to “step up to the plate and help change the rhetoric by creating consequences. This moment creates a perfect opportunity for the Arab nations in the region to use their influence to do something constructive.”

She noted that there is a lot of finger-wagging at Israel.

Instead, she said, the Arab states should “start wagging their fingers much more at Abbas, at Hamas—and get them to the table and help them understand that there is no more to ask of Israel. The world has to adjust to an Israel that is strong, that is proud, that has tried hard and isn’t going to back down because of constant threats.”

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“Our view was that the leadership in Ramallah should no longer have a veto on what happens to this land and to the Israelis living there,” Greenblatt wrote.

By JNS

Former White House Middle East envoy Jason Greenblatt wrote on Monday that the U.S. government does not believe that the extension of Israeli sovereignty in parts of Judea and Samaria would be illegal and that it is, in fact, permitted by President Donald Trump’s “Peace to Prosperity” plan.

“Our view was that the leadership in Ramallah should no longer have a veto on what happens to this land and to the Israelis living there. But to protect the Palestinians, we gave them a lengthy period — four years — to get their house in order so that they, too, could obtain the many benefits contemplated by the vision for peace,” wrote Greenblatt in an op-ed in The Jerusalem Post.

He said that after spending over three years traveling to Arab capitals, “he came to learn that we agree on far more than we disagree on.”

The op-ed was a response to an opinion piece by Yousef al-Otaiba, the United Arab Emirates ambassador to the United States, who published an article on Israeli news site Ynet arguing that applying Israeli sovereignty to the areas under discussion would be illegal.

Greenblatt wrote: “I don’t agree that the extension of Israeli sovereignty to the areas being contemplated would be an illegal seizure of land. The U.S. government also does not believe so,” which is why, he said, “Trump’s vision for peace provides for this concept.”

He also took issue with the UAE ambassador’s term “Palestinian land,” saying “it is not Palestinian land. It is land that is disputed … .”

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